Conclusion
The infelicity of direct emotional-state denial and the relative failure of exclamatives to answer direct questions about feelings distinguish them from overt emotive assertions.
View claim pageArgument
The infelicity of direct emotional-state denial and the relative failure of exclamatives to answer direct questions about feelings distinguish them from overt emotive assertions.
Premises (7)
- The contrast in denial behavior cannot be explained merely by the claim that emotional states cannot be denied, since one can accuse someone of pretending after expressive acts but not of lying or saying something false.Evidence for this premise (3)In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingyou can accuse one of pretending in response to expressive speech actshttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p3In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingyou can accuse one of pretending in response to expressive speech actshttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p3In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingyou can accuse one of pretending in response to expressive speech actshttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p3
- TG treat affect-related content in exclamatives and declarative exclamations as asserted, but direct denials of speakers' emotional states are infelicitous after those utterances, whereas such denials are felicitous after overt assertions with amazed or surprised.Evidence for this premise (3)In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingthe speaker ’s “ emotional state ” can very well be denied in response to assertionshttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p2In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingthe speaker ’s “ emotional state ” can very well be denied in response to assertionshttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p2In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingthe speaker ’s “ emotional state ” can very well be denied in response to assertionshttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p2
- On the standard view, an exclamative's affect-related component is non-truth-conditional and its truth-conditional content is presupposed; therefore neither has the discourse behavior of ordinary at-issue asserted content.Evidence for this premise (3)In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingthe expressive part itself is non-truth-conditionalhttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p1In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingthe expressive part itself is non-truth-conditionalhttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p1In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingthe expressive part itself is non-truth-conditionalhttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p1
- Question-answer coherence is not by itself evidence that an utterance addresses a question: rhetorical questions and expressive reactions can be coherent responses while not asserting a proposition that addresses the question.Evidence for this premise (3)In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingthere are various ways to react to questions that would likely be judged coherent/felicitous by many speakers that do not actually address the questionhttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p5In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingthere are various ways to react to questions that would likely be judged coherent/felicitous by many speakers that do not actually address the questionhttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p5In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingthere are various ways to react to questions that would likely be judged coherent/felicitous by many speakers that do not actually address the questionhttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p5
- Both TG's account and the standard account treat exclamatives' descriptive/truth-conditional content as presupposed, so they make the same predictions about its direct deniability; simple No/Nah plus correction is a general-purpose denial form that can target at least some presuppositions.Evidence for this premise (3)In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingboth approaches actually make the same predictionshttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p4In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingboth approaches actually make the same predictionshttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p4In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingboth approaches actually make the same predictionshttps://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p4
- In a direct question about the speaker's feelings, an overt emotive assertion is substantially better than an exclamative or declarative exclamation, contrary to TG's prediction that they are equivalent.Evidence for this premise (3)In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingI still do get a pretty strong contrast between (16B) and (16B ′ )https://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p6In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingI still do get a pretty strong contrast between (16B) and (16B ′ )https://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p6In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force — Discourse behavior: denials, question-addressing, and embeddingI still do get a pretty strong contrast between (16B) and (16B ′ )https://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2025-2007#unit-3-p6
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Answered critical questions (2)
Critical questions are the challenges this argument’s reasoning pattern must withstand.
- Are there other events or causes that could account for the presence of the sign?Answer
The paper considers and rejects the explanation that the contrast follows merely because emotional states cannot be denied. It notes that expressive acts can invite accusations of pretending, but not accusations of lying or saying something false. Paper basis — "you can accuse one of pretending in response to expressive speech acts" (In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force, p. 11). Reconstructed from Maria Esipova (2025); machine-drafted from the paper, filed for review.
- What is the strength of the correlation between the sign and the event/state it is taken to indicate?Answer
The paper reports a qualitative contrast: direct denial of a speaker's emotional state is infelicitous after exclamatives and declarative exclamations, but felicitous after overt emotive assertions. It presents this contrast, together with the direct-question contrast, as evidence of a distinction rather than a quantified correlation. Paper basis — "the speaker ’s “ emotional state ” can very well be denied in response to assertions" (In search of an exclamatory illocutionary force, p. 11). Reconstructed from Maria Esipova (2025); machine-drafted from the paper, filed for review.
Pending critical questions (1)
These are challenges this argument’s reasoning pattern must still withstand. Answering them on Isonomia strengthens the argument.
- Has the sign actually been observed reliably in this case?Open
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