Country-specific regressions using World Values Survey data from 98,670 respondents in 74 countries can estimate these separate associations while retaining cross-country heterogeneity.

Country-specific regressions using World Values Survey data from 98,670 respondents in 74 countries can estimate these separate associations while retaining cross-country heterogeneity.

• Tradition, status, and experience orientations can be examined as indicators of basic dispositions alongside separate measures of economic capital, cultural capital, and parental migration background.
• Following listwise deletion of 10.7% of individual cases (n = 11,820) for missing values, the final analytic sample contains 98,670 individuals in 74 countries.
  Evidence for this premise (1)

  Habitus, Globalization, and Cosmopolitanism: How Dispositions, Class, and Migration Shape Global Self-Identification Differently in 74 Countries — Comparative design, measures, and country-specific regression strategy

  our fi nal sample consists of 74 countries with 98,670 individuals

  https://doi.org/10.1177/14407833261430381#unit-4-p2
• Global self-identification is operationalized relationally as the difference between world-citizen and national-identification scores, shifted to a 0–6 scale; higher scores mean more intense global relative to national identification.
  Evidence for this premise (1)

  Habitus, Globalization, and Cosmopolitanism: How Dispositions, Class, and Migration Shape Global Self-Identification Differently in 74 Countries — Comparative design, measures, and country-specific regression strategy

  we therefore measure individuals ’ global selfidenti fi cation gradually and in relation to self-identi fi cation with the nation-state by taking the difference of two scores

  https://doi.org/10.1177/14407833261430381#unit-4-p3
• The analysis uses World Values Survey waves 5 and 6 (2005–2015), which provide a broad global country range, including non-Western countries, and include short Schwartz values batteries.
  Evidence for this premise (1)

  Habitus, Globalization, and Cosmopolitanism: How Dispositions, Class, and Migration Shape Global Self-Identification Differently in 74 Countries — Comparative design, measures, and country-specific regression strategy

  We use data from the World Values Survey (WVS 2005 – 2015, waves 5 and 6; see Inglehart et al., 2022).

  https://doi.org/10.1177/14407833261430381#unit-4-p1
• Class is represented by economic and cultural capital: high economic capital is the highest third of each country's income distribution relative to low economic capital, while high cultural capital is tertiary education compared with all other education levels.
  Evidence for this premise (1)

  Habitus, Globalization, and Cosmopolitanism: How Dispositions, Class, and Migration Shape Global Self-Identification Differently in 74 Countries — Comparative design, measures, and country-specific regression strategy

  we operationalize cultural and economic capital as two main indicators of class

  https://doi.org/10.1177/14407833261430381#unit-4-p6
• The paper treats habitus as decomposable into dispositions and measures three basic orientations using Schwartz-value items: tradition-seeking, materialist status-seeking, and experience-orientation.
  Evidence for this premise (1)

  Habitus, Globalization, and Cosmopolitanism: How Dispositions, Class, and Migration Shape Global Self-Identification Differently in 74 Countries — Comparative design, measures, and country-specific regression strategy

  we construct three basic orientations as unweighted mean indices

  https://doi.org/10.1177/14407833261430381#unit-4-p4
• Tradition-seeking is indexed by tradition, security, and conformity; status-seeking by success and wealth; and experience-orientation by adventure and having a good time.
  Evidence for this premise (1)

  Habitus, Globalization, and Cosmopolitanism: How Dispositions, Class, and Migration Shape Global Self-Identification Differently in 74 Countries — Comparative design, measures, and country-specific regression strategy

  traditionseeking (from the Schwartz items: tradition, security, and conformity), (materialist) status-seeking (success and wealth), and experience-orientation (adventure and having a good time)

  https://doi.org/10.1177/14407833261430381#unit-4-p5

These are challenges this argument’s reasoning pattern must still withstand. Answering them on Isonomia strengthens the argument.

• Does the conclusion stay within the population P from which S was drawn, or does it overreach (different country, different time period, different platform)?Answer under review
  Draft answer

  The paper specifies that the analysis uses World Values Survey waves 5 and 6, covering 2005–2015 and a broad range of countries including non-Western countries. The conclusion is framed around country-specific regressions within that comparative data setting rather than a universal homogeneous association. Paper basis — "We use data from the World Values Survey (WVS 2005 – 2015, waves 5 and 6; see Inglehart et al., 2022)." (Habitus, Globalization, and Cosmopolitanism: How Dispositions, Class, and Migration Shape Global Self-Identification Differently in 74 Countries, p. 7). Reconstructed from Christian Schneickert & Sören Carlson (2026); machine-drafted from the paper, filed for review.

  https://doi.org/10.1177/14407833261430381#unit-4-p1
• Does the operational measure of F in the sample actually capture F as it is meant in the population-level claim?Open
• Is the sample actually representative of the target population on the dimensions that matter for F (demographics, behavior, time period, platform mix)?Open
• Is the sample large enough to support the precision (margin m) being claimed?Open
• Was the sample drawn or recruited in a way that systematically biases the proportion of F (e.g., volunteer bias, opt-in panels, attrition)?Open

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